战后新马人民争取独立的艰险历程
——系列年表与图片(1945年-1965年)
The Precarious Journey of Singapore and
Malayan People’s Struggle for Independence After the War (1945 to 1965)
Chronology and pictures
（中文）陈瑞生编
（英文）江南春编
策略资讯研究中心
战后新马人民争取独立的艰险万程——系列年表与图片（1945年-1965年）
The Precarious Journey of Singapore and
Malayan People's Struggle for Independence After the War（1945 to 1965）-chronology and pictures
编辑（中文）Chinese editor：陈瑞生Chen Rui Sheng
编號（英文）English editor：江南春Jiang Nan Chun
Indixidual chapters copyright © 2019 Individual
authors
版权所有•翻印必究
All rights reserved. No part of this publication
may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or
by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or other wise, without
the prior permission of the publisher.
国际书号ISBN：978-967-2165-51-4
出版Published by: 策略资讯研究中心
Strategic Information and Research Development
Centre
2, Jalan Bukit 1 1/2, 46200 Petaling Jaya,
Selangor, Malaysia.
Email:gerak@gerakbudaya.com
www.gerakbudaya.com
出版日期Publicationdate:2019
封面设计Coverdesign by松青Song Qing
版面设计layout byJ anice Cheong
印刷Printed by：永联印务有限公司
Vinlin Press Sdn. Bhd.
2, Jalan Meranti Permai1,
Meranti Permai Industrial Park,
Batu 15, Jalan Puchong,
47100 Puchong, Selangor, Malaysia.
Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
战后新马人民争取独立的艰险历程--系列年表与图片（1945年-1965年）/
（中文）陈瑞生编（英文）江南春编
ISBN 978-967-2165-51-4
1.Politicalparties-Malaysia-History.
2.Malaysia-History.
1.陈瑞生.
895.186
目录Contents
前言Foreword
1 视未来为历史The Future As History——傅树介Poh Soo Kai
2 60年代成长过程Coming of Age in the Sixties——许赓猷Koh Kay Yew
3 冷藏行动的背后——彭杜生Peng Du Sheng
4 炼狱——杨小黑Yang Xiao Hei
5 年表与图片Chronology & Pictures
6 编后语Editor’s Note
269
前言
第二次世界大战于1945年以日本投降而宣告结束。这场战争涉及的东方战场覆盖大半个中国，西伯利亚东部，朝鲜半岛，东南亚全境，澳大利亚，太平洋乃至印度。而远离我们的西部战场则涵盖整个欧洲，北非，中东，与大西洋。受其牵连的国家之多，土地面积之广，波及人数之众，死伤人数之巨，交战之惨烈，为人类史上前所未有！这本书所覆盖的范围，就以这个年头开始。
一场空前的大战的结束，自然令人欢心鼓舞，让人们对前景充满热切期待，但摆在包括新加坡在内的马来亚大地上的子民面前的，是一幅什么样的图景，一时竟叫人无法辨别与分解。怎么说，二战的胜利，马来亚（包括新加坡）人民是曾经付出过巨大代价的，我们当中不少英勇志士甚至还曾拿起枪杆，赴刀山蹈火海，不惜生命与日本侵略者对峙与交锋。因此，胜利的果实，他们是有权分享的！然而，事情的发展并非尽如人意。结果，反而是那帮没开几个枪几个炮便擎起白旗向日本侵略者投降的英殖民地主，竟“奏凯”归来，厚颜无耻接管了我们这块神圣宝贵的土地，重新当起统治者，继续进行其鱼肉人民的勾当。试问道义何在？
于是，1945年的反殖，要求国家独立的运动在继承前人努力的成果的基础上，再掀热潮。即便是面对贪婪凶恶的殖民地主所施加的各种无情的镇压与迫害，反殖的队伍还是壮大起来了。足见根植于民间的反殖情绪之深之广。接下来五十年代的学生运动与工人运动，以及接踵而至的政治运动，其来势之猛烈，声势之浩大，撼动了整个社会的根基。此时，反殖的浪潮已经势不可挡，因而在形势比人强的情况下，殖民地主不得不向人民作出让步，于1957年让马来亚联合邦独立，再于1959年，让新加坡自治。
英国人进行外部统治最善于利用的伎俩就是“分而治之”。新马本是一家。现在，却给殖民统治者搞出两个政治个体，各走各的路。
新马两地政治上的变迁牵动了各自范围内政治力量角力的格局。原有的政治斗争被拖入前所未有的复杂氛围中。在新加坡，即便是行动党内部也发生了左右路线的激烈争论，并导致该党中的左翼人士被挤出党外。接着他们在党外另起炉灶，成立了一个社会主义阵线政党，把广大的工运，学运积极份子都团结在其旗下。并在五十年代时搞得红红火火的马大社会主义俱乐部多位领导人的加入后，让这个热切期盼实现平等，公平与民主的社会而努力拼搏的人民运动注入了一支强心针！本书中，许赓猷对这个时期的前前后后给予了比较详尽的叙述。
在马来半岛，时局也在迅速变化中。1961年11月16日，时任首相的东姑阿都拉曼提出创立“马来西亚”的设想。这个原本是在二战即将结束时英国人孵化出来的“大计划”，其目的不外是为了要长期保护英国在这个地区的经济，政治与军事利益。而其所以又获得马来亚亚及新加坡右翼政府的青睐是他们认为通过它，左翼运动的力量便可以一举消灭，使那支火把难以复燃。
可是，上演马来西亚这部戏到头来并不完全犹如当初预想中的精彩。此计划一出，便受到印尼与菲律宾的极力反对，文莱在最后关头也决定不愿加入。而其最大的短板应该是新马的合了又分的决定，竟是在不及两年的时间内就在世人的面前演绎出来，造成两地人民感情上多大的磨损，以及领导人之间的无可计量的猜疑与信任赤字。人们都知道，环绕这个合了又分的局面所导致的那么多缺憾与矛盾，完全可以追溯到相关政治人物的短视与偏执，以及他们那自我膨胀的自我及难以满足的个人野心。
这本书的面世，希望能够让读者通过不算长的文字篇幅与较多的珍贵画面，更多地了解左翼运动反殖与争取国家独立自主，社会公平的一段重要路程。对于那些曾经于那个不平凡的时代亲自参与活动的读者，我们希望通过这些文字与画面，能够勾起一点美丽而又不失荣光的记忆与回味。毕竟，一个人的短暂生命中，为了追求一个公平正义的社会而做出的无私奉献是有其不可低估的意义的！
Foreword
World War II ended in 1945
with the surrender of the Japanese Imperial Army. On the wars eastern theatre,
it raged over a greater part of China, eastern Siberia, the Korean Peninsula,
the whole of Southeast Asia, Australia, much of the Pacific, and stretched even
to India. While on its western front, far away from us, fighting took place on
the entire European continent, North Africa, the Middle East, and much of the
Atlantic. In terms of the number of countries which got involved, the extent of
the land area it engulfed, the size of the population inadvertently got
entangled, the number of casualities, both military and civilian, and the
ferocity of the fighting, this war has to be definitively marked as
unprecedented in the history of mankind! The story that this book narrates
takes its beginning from this very year.
No doubt, there was a great
sense of euphoria among a war-ravaged population who at last had a chance to
savour peace. People were full of expectation for the future. However, what lay
ahead could only be described as a picture of precariousness and uncertainty.
Whatever may be said of the ensuing situation, victory had indeed come at a
great price, mainly due to the great hardships they went through, and, indeed,
many of the brave and physically able among them had even took up arms to fight
the Japanese invaders through hell and high water.
So, it was unquestionable
that people justifiably felt that they were also entitled, in the broadest
sense of the word, to a share of the fruits of victory. But what followed was
not to be. In the end, the people who perhaps had only fired a few shots at the
invading Japanese Imperial Army, and who had quickly raised the white flag in
surrender had now shamelessly returned to take over this sacred land of ours in
triumphant style. They quickly assumed their position as rulers and continued
to milk the people of this land. What justice and fairness? Where is the
legitimacy of continued governance when you have surrendered the territory to
the Japanese and forsaken the people on this land, leaving them in the lurch to
fend for themselves?
As a consequence, the fight
against the colonialists, for justice and independence, picked up monientum on
the back of the achievements leftover by the forerunners of this great
movement. Even as the cunning colonialists were stepping up its brutal
suppression and persecution, this movement grew in size and influence, a
testimony to the depth and extent of the anti-colonial sentiment at the time.
During the fifties, successive waves of students and workers rose in defiance
of the foreign rulers. And as the struggles intensified, political consciousness
heightened to a level to which the colonialists had to take serious cognition
of, as the very foundation of the entire society was at stake. This forced the
colonialists to make some concessions. Consequently, Peninsular Malaya was
declared independent in 1957, and Singapore was allowed self-governing status
in 1959.
A ploy often used by the
British colonialist with much success in their colonial domination anywhere is
the principle of “divide and
rule”Peninsular Malaya and
Singapore, which are only separated geographically by a strait none wider than
the English Channel had been treated as two separate political entities. Now,
they have been forced to engage in different national pursuits, politically or
otherwise.
So, political change taking
place in the two territories exerts influence on the movement of the Left in
numerous complex ways. In Singapore, even within the PAR in-fighting involving
left and right political orientations had reared its head from its early days.
This led to the left-oriented section of its members being side-lined and
eventually ousted by the right-leaning section led by Lee Kuan Yew. This
prompted the formation of the Barisan Socialis, who in turn brought active
members of the Chinese student movement and trade unions under its wings. When
former influencial leaders of the University Socialist Club carried with them a
whole host of the English-educated activists to join the Barisan Socialis,
thereby presenting a solidarity of the widest representation hitherto of
divergent social and cultural groups in Singapore, the outlook for the future
political development seemed sealed in favour of the Left. Lee Kuan Yew had to
resort to other “ways” to deal with this most threatening
situation in his political life. We shall see how this game of cat and mouse
was played out in this and other publications, such as The Fajar Generation, Living
In A Time of Deception, The May 13 Generation, and Operation Cold Store in
Singapore in 1963 and many other narratives that have come to light so far.
Over in Peninsular Malaya,
political situation was undergoing rapid change. On 16 November 1961, then
Prime Minister Tengku Abdul Rahman declared his intention to form Malaysia, to
embrace the British Borneo territories, Brunei and Singapore. This was none
other than the plan hatched by the British during the concluding period of the
Second World War. The principal idea was to safeguard British economic,
political, and military interests for as long as it could. It appeared
attractive to the governments of Malaya and Singapore for many reasons, though
many of them were not shared by all two What was common to all of the parties
was that the Left could be wiped off in one go and that they would then be able
to "live happily ever after”. To the PAP, it was the last straw that could
save them from being overwhelmed by the rising tide of Left, and so much for
the Tengku too.
But the irony was that due
to differences in the fundamental issues of race and allocation of political
power, plus internal bickering over personalities and style, Malaysia with
Singapore in embrace was short-lived. So, on August 9, 1965, Singapore was
kicked out of the union which lasted for less than 2 years. In the aftermath,
acrimony between the political leaders on both sides of the causeway deepened.
Distrust and mistrust were the rule of the day. Animosity ensued. This took a
toll on the ordinary people in numerous ways and in numerous areas. On
hindsight, one can only attribute this sad and negative development to the
shortsightedness and bigotry on the part of those in power, who by their very
nature gave only the slightest regard to the interests and feelings of the
people at large. They possess an ego and personal ambition that is hard to
entertain and fulfill.
With the publication of this
book, which is deliberately crafted short in words and long in pictures, it is
hoped that readers will be able get a better idea of the happenings of that
era, one that is important in the understanding why and what many of the things
that are or are not taking place today, rightly or wrongly. To those of the
readers who were intimately involved in activities during those days of yore,
let this publication be a keepsake which they could flip through any time again
and again. A lot of what one did in ones life may not be regarded as
"heroic： or even useful or
meaningful, however, if it is something done not for selfish ends but for the
public good, then one should have a good reason to hold ones head high! Let
that sentiment or spirit be a precious part of everyone’s life! Past, present,
or the future!